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Political Diary
Amend The Constitution:END discrimination against Hindus, by J.G. Arora, 20 August 2007 |
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Events And Issues
New Delhi, 20 August 2007
Amend The
Constitution
END
discrimination against Hindus
By J.G. Arora
Former Chief Commissioner
of Income Tax
‘Secularism’
is a sublime concept. It is all-embracing and non-discriminatory. Yet it has
been dragged to dismal depths in India. In a truly secular polity, there should be no majority and no
minority. There would be only humans, only citizens; one law; one nation; justice
to all; injustice to none. But in India, secularism has come to mean
“anti-Hinduism”.
After fighting
foreign invaders for centuries and losing Afghanistan
and Pakistan
over the years, truncated Bharat was
expected to re-assert itself after
1947. Instead, a fake secularism implying ‘anti-Hinduism’ has seized Bharat. No
other country has reduced its majority community to such a helpless entity as India.
One of the major issues
tormenting Hindu society is the outrageous Government control of all prominent
Hindu temples all over India.
Though India is a secular republic and though secularism
commands separation of state and religion, many State governments have taken
over all prominent Hindu temples, which is an anti-secular action. And, it is
discriminatory since only Hindu places of worship have been targeted for
government control whereas no Christian church or Muslim mosque has been
touched.
This is not to suggest that churches and mosques
should also be taken over by the Government. This is just to stress that since secularism implies separation of state
and religion, Hindu temples should also enjoy the same freedom from Government
control as enjoyed by churches and mosques.
It is also
shocking that the State governments are not using temple income for the cause
of Hindu religion. Rather, the Government takeover has resulted in diversion of
temple funds for non-religious purposes and, as in Karnataka, even for madrassas and churches. Takeover by the State has also
resulted in defalcation of temple funds, closure of many smaller temples,
encroachment, sale and alienation of temple lands and dismantling of temple
infrastructure, which is leading to gradual demolition of Hindu religion. Because
of Government takeover, persons with little devotion to Hinduism, and even
non-Hindus are governing Hindu temples.
The Government control of Hindu temples and their
estates amounts to suppression
of the Hindus’ fundamental right of religious freedom guaranteed
under Articles 25 and 26 of the Indian Constitution.
A truly secular state can neither penalise nor patronise any
religion. But the state control of well-known temples in India is demolishing
the self-supporting infrastructure of Hindu places of worship. In sharp
contrast, the Government of India subsidizes “Haj” pilgrimage when not even one
of 57 Muslim countries provides any such subsidy.
Apart from being the centre of Hindu religious, social and
cultural life, the temple is supposed to be the focal point for learning the
Vedas, Upnishads, Ramayan, Mahabharat and Tirukkural etc. from religious
scholars. Government control over important temples is thus effacing Vedic
learning and Sanskrit.
That is not all. Another disability is heaped on the Hindu
society by Articles 29 and 30 of the Indian Constitution. These confer special
rights only on the minorities to establish and administer educational
institutions of their choice. During deliberations in the Constituent Assembly, it was presumed that the Hindus who
constituted the majority would automatically be entitled to the rights given to
the minorities by Articles 29 and 30. However, in actual practice, these
rights are denied to the Hindus.
In no other country in the world, the majority community
has been deprived of basic rights whereas special privileges are bestowed on the minorities.
Articles
29 and 30 giving special privileges to the minorities are, indeed fragmenting
Hindu society since many Hindu sects proclaim that they are not Hindu to get the
benefits of these Articles. Clearly, being Hindu is a disability. As per the Supreme Court judgment
reported as Bramchari Sidheswar Shai versus State of West Bengal
(AIR 1995 Supreme Court 2089), even Ramakrishna Mission,
a leading Hindu organization, claimed a minority (non-Hindu) status to secure
the benefits under Article 30.
Ramakrishna
Mission was facing some problems in
its educational institutions and apprehended Government takeover. To save
itself from the looming danger, the well-known institution claimed a non-Hindu
(minority) religion status to secure the protection of Article 30. Though its
pioneers like Swami Vivekananda were glorious Hindus, the disabilities attached
to Hindu institutions in independent India made Ramakrishna Mission disown Hinduism and claim minority status. Though the High Court allowed its
petition, the Supreme Court reversed the High Court’s decision and held that
Ramakrishna Mission was a Hindu
institution, and could not get protection of Article 30.
Is there a way out? The answer lies in the decontrol and
restoration of the Hindu temples to the Hindu community and amendment of
Articles 29 and 30 to extend the rights stipulated therein to all the
communities, including the Hindus. That is the only way to give justice to the Hindus, India’s
majority community.
Since it is the Hindu society that has built and maintained its
temples, the same should be handed back to the Hindus. Like other religious
communities, the Hindus too have a constitutional and fundamental right to
manage their temples, shrines and institutions. And they should not be deprived
of this basic right.
It is baffling that the Hindus continue to suffer this
discrimination in silence. It betrays abject surrender by the Hindus before injustice; as also
incompetence of Hindu leadership. It is puzzling that no political party has
articulated these inequities, and demanded justice for the Hindus.
Moreover, Articles 29 and 30 have
to be amended to ensure equal rights to all Indian citizens. This is not to suggest that the minorities
should be deprived of any right conferred by Articles 29 and 30. This is only
to stress that the rights conferred
by these Articles on the minorities must be extended also to the Hindus since their
religious and educational institutions cannot surrive under Government.
India’s Constitution has been amended about
100 times. Surprisingly, however, no one has thought of amending Articles 29
and 30. It is imperative that a Constitution (Amendment) Bill to
amend Articles 29 and 30 to extend the rights stipulated therein to all the
communities, including Hindus, is introduced in Parliament at the earliest. Even staunch anti-Hindus would not
be able to object to the said amendment since it would merely extend the said
fundamental rights to the Hindus without depriving the minorities of the same.
Any one opposing this amendment would only expose his anti-Hindu bias.
With the proposed Constitutional
amendment, the State would be debarred from interfering with the social,
religious and educational institutions set up by the Hindus as is the case of
the minority institutions. Educational institutions run by the Hindus would the
also be free to propagate and preach Hinduism with the same constitutional
protection as given to the minorities. This amendment would end discrimination
against the Hindus without inviting any opposition from any quarter.
As per Eleanor Roosevelt, “No
one can make you feel inferior without your consent.” Tolerance is said to
be the virtue of those without convictions. The Hindus have to demonstrate that
they will not tolerate any discrimination. Then and then alone they will not face
any discrimination.---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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Right To Information Act:Counter Productive in Jammu & Kashmir?,by Balraj Puri, 6 August 2007 |
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Events & Issues
New Delhi, 6 August 2007
Right To
Information Act
Counter
Productive in Jammu & Kashmir?
By Balraj Puri
The Right to Information Act is the latest and glaring
example of the misuse of Article 370, guaranteeing special status to the State
of Jammu & Kashmir.
The autonomy that J&K enjoys and the demand for its enlargement
can be justified only if it is used for its peoples’ interest and not for strengthening
repressive and arbitrary powers of the rulers. Exclusion of jurisdiction of the
National Human Rights Commission, 73rd and 74th amendment to the Constitution
of India to empower local self governments are some other cases of how Article
370 has been applied to deny democratic rights to the people of the State.
Without compromising its powers under this Article, the State
could surely enact better laws than those at the national level, provided it does
so only after studying their working. The RTI Act is thus being discussed here
in the hope that some remedial measures might still be considered.
In its report on Good Governance in J&K State presented
to the Third Roundtable Conference, the working group made a simple recommendation:
that "there should be sensitization
of the Right to Information Act, to bring about transparency in the Government."
It must have investigated the reasons for its conspicuous failure in the State.
In fact, not a single case of a person having got redressal under the RTI Act
has been reported or is known.
The reason for the indifference to the use of RTI Act in the
State or to seek information about any case is not due to the lack of people’s interest
in their problems or that they don’t need such information. It is the lack of a
strong voluntary effort to make the people conscious of the right to information
and to fully explain why they are not asserting this right. Worse, the main
reason is that there are limitations inherent in the State Act and sheer lack
of will of the State government to implement it.
The main difference in the State law with that of the Central
RTI Act is unlike the latter, it does not provide for the institution of an Information
Commission. The Information Commission, for the rest of the country, is
appointed at the Centre by the President on the recommendation of a committee
consisting of the Prime Minister, leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha and, a
Union Cabinet minister nominated by the Prime Minister. The State Commissions too
have similarly been assured of their autonomous character and are to be appointed
by the Governor on the recommendation of a committee consisting of the Chief Minister,
leader of the Opposition and a Cabinet minister.
The Commission headed by the Chief Information Commissioner
is a vital link between the people and the Government. It has the same powers
as are vested in a Civil Court.
It can summon and enforce attendance of persons and compel them to give oral or
written evidence and to produce the document. The Commission, during the
inquiry of any complaint under the RTI Act, can examine any record which is
under the control of the public authority and "no such record may be
withheld from it on any grounds."
As J&K RTI Act does not provide for the appointment of an
Information Commission, the complainant is not only deprived of any guidance
about the procedure of filing a complaint, but there is no compulsion on the public
authority to supply the information sought. Most of the people, including
educated people, are unaware of the procedure for filing a complaint and the patience
to follow it up.
Further, the list of subjects on which the State government
can withhold information is as much as 15 items. It includes advice, including
legal advice, opinion or recommendation made by any officer of a public
authority during the decision-making process, information which would affect
the enforcement of any law, information the disclosure of which would affect
the government's ability to manage economy and in general "any record and
information which under the Evidence Act is claimed to be privileged."
The in-charge of an office can also regret to supply
information to an applicant if the information cannot be complied without
considerable financial expenditure or without considerable extra work. Further,
a public authority can deny information if it would adversely interfere with
its functioning.
There is no Commission to which a person seeking information
from the government can approach for guidance if his/her request is rejected.
Nor any Court "shall entertain any suit, application or other proceedings
in respect of any order made under this Act and no such order shall be called
to question"; the Act states categorically and somewhat ominously. The
corresponding provisions in the Central Act are far more liberal. In any case
the Central Information Commission and the State Information Commissions have
wide powers to force the public authorities to provide the necessary
information sought by the applicant.
Apart from obvious weaknesses in the State RTI Act which
handicap and discourage persons to seek requisite information, an additional
factor is the general practice of ministers and legislators to hold durbars to listen to grievances and
offer redressal. But this is no substitute for an institutional system for
receiving grievances and then offering redressal. More so, because not everybody
has access to such durbars. In sum, as far as Right to Information Act of the State
is concerned, it is in every sense much worse and regressive than the Central Act.
The people of J&K
State specially need good
and less corrupt governance. This is
possible through empowerment and ready
information about the administrative working. And, if it happens, it will reduce
the levels of alienation that clearly exist there. ---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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India’s Capital Market:WILL THE BULL RUN SUSTAIN?, by Dhurjati Mukherjee,12 July 2007 |
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Events And Issues
New Delhi, 12 July 2007
India’s Capital Market
WILL THE BULL RUN SUSTAIN?
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
The capital market has been surging ahead with the inflow of
global funds on an unprecedented scale. From 7000 on 20 June 2005, the sensex crossed the 8000 mark on 8 September 8 and the 9000
mark on 28 November. Last year it crossed
the 10,000 mark on 6 February, the 13,000 mark on 30 October ending the year at
13800.
This year after a dull start, the sensex crossed the 15,000 mark on 6 July and analysts are
optimistic the positive trend will continue, with the March 2008 target put at 16,000-17,000.
The confidence stems from the fact that India
is the second fastest growing economy in Asia (and
possibly one of the fastest in the
world) and the current valuations of the equity market still appear lucrative
to investors.
The Indian story of spectacular performance during the last
4 years is viewed with interest by the world’s financial capitals and analysts
are unanimous that the growth is “sustainable and secular”. India’s growth
story has become globally acceptable, following big acquisitions by Indian
entrepreneurs who have proved that they can manage businesses
beyond the country’s boundaries. Experts point out that though China remained an important FDI destination, India too was
becoming an integral part of global portfolio investments.
The market surge over the last two years has been fuelled by
better-than expected monsoon rains, excellent economic growth (current year
pegged at around 9 per cent) and outstanding corporate performance. Both the
GDP and market capitalization are around $1 trillion. Economists feel that a
higher ratio of market capitalization to the GDP reflects economic maturity. In
developed countries, this ratio is always in excess
of one, while in developing countries it is below 0.5. For instance, in the UK it is 2.5, which means the market cap is 2.5
times the GDP, 1.8 in the US
and 0.3 in China.
Interestingly, the bull run since early 2005 is different
from the ones in 1991 and 1999. It is not one big rush but a sustained push by
optimistic investors. India
is widely viewed as one of the best and safest of the emerging markets, which
will give attractive returns resulting in a steady buying momentum by the FIIs.
Moreover, with SEBI introducing a number of disclosures, the stock market has become
more transparent and attractive.
Several research reports have indicated that though the
earnings growth momentum will be sustained it may come under pressure due to the oil price hike. However, the FMCG
segment, construction, power equipment, capital goods companies and IT scrips etc
have recorded remarkable gains in the last few months.
An ICICI Securities report has predicted that IT stocks
could reach new highs in the current financial year. A 30% growth due to increased
spending and revenues from new service lines – BPO and enterprise solutions (business
intelligence and data warehousing). The NCAER, an independent think tank, has predicted
that higher consumer demand and export order could drive industrial growth. This
has been reiterated by the Reserve Bank of India and the Finance Ministry.
Some feel that due to a paradigm shift in the country’s policies and the
economy gaining strength has led to buoyancy in the stock market.
A Citigroup report ‘Earnings Outlook – Deceleration
Ahead’, pointed out: “One of the key
factors behind the spectacular re-rating of the Indian equity market has been
strong earnings growth, which averaged over 26 per cent for the last four years
up to financial year 2005.” It prediction that while double-digit growth would
continue, “our bottom-up forecast suggest a significant deceleration over the
next 12 to 18 months” has been proved wrong.
The boom in equities has been fuelled by huge inflows of
funds from overseas investors and FIIs. The momentum of FII investment in India can be
gauged from the number of new FIIs being registered. There are presently around
975-980 FIIs registered in the country, according to the SEBI data. The overseas
investors pumped in a record $ 10.7 billion in 2005 and a little over $ 8
billion in 2006. In fact, India
was the second biggest recipient of offshore funds in Asia in 2005, next only
to Taiwan’s
$ 12 billion.
According to the Institute
of International Finance,
the inflows are expected to fall by $ 1 billion this year. This does not augur
well for the market, which has been rallying on the back of ample liquidity.
Any diversion of the existing FII portfolio upwards of $ 125 could compound the
problem.
Moreover, as per the guidelines of the RBI, the FIIs can
invest up to 24 per cent of the paid-up capital of an Indian company and 20 per
cent of the paid-up capital in case of public sector banks. The FII investment
in the stocks of the blue chip companies have already been reached. Leading to
waning of interest by the domestic players as well. The FIIs focus on mid-cap
stocks has resulted in significant bull activity. Many companies are passing special resolutions to hike the ceiling for
FII investment to attract more fund flows and impress
investors.
The strong fundamentals and the pro-industry attitude of the
Government has kept the sentiment of the market almost unhindered but the same
enthusiasm may not manifest this year. According to ASSOCHAM, the Government
could have raised Rs 31,000 crores in the current stock market boom by
divesting only 10 per cent of its stake in the top 14 public sector
undertakings. But pressure from the
Left parties has not made this possible.
Only time will tell whether the Government yields to the Left pressure or convinces them to support partial
disinvestments of some PSUs.
The interest in the capital market has affected even small
savings. In Maharashtra and West Bengal,
accounting for more than one-fourth of the country’s net small savings
collections, there has been insignificant growth rate in 2004-05 onwards. The
trend is more or less the same in
most other states. The high returns from the equity market and mutual funds
have inspired investors to shy away from postal savings/banks and invest in
stocks.
The sustained inflow into local stocks from overseas funds
has kept the rupee steady. It is now trading at Rs 40-Rs 41 due to cushioning
by strong foreign investment in stocks for most of the year. As most software
companies earn huge revenues from exports, further strengthening of the rupee
vis-à-vis the dollar may have an impact on their bottom line though oil
companies may benefit.
The challenge of sustaining the market in the coming days at
an overvalued level will be tougher and requires a sustained scale of flows,
despite better corporate performance and the FII growing interest. But the hike
in interest rates may affect the corporate sector, in terms of demand than on
profits. For sensex companies, a 2 per cent increase in interest rates would
chop off 3 per cent of earnings.
Clearly, as long as the fundamentals of the economy remain
strong, one can expect a reasonable continuous inflow of funds. True, India is possibly among the most expensive Asian markets but this
is cushioned by the high real EPS and shift in domestic savings to equity. More.
India is now the third
largest emerging market in Asia after Korea
and Taiwan.
For the market to keep the present momentum, it will be necessary for companies to keep up its growth plans to
generate confidence and buoyancy. For an investor, the short-term rallies or
the unexpected quarterly/half-yearly results of a company should not be the
investment index but its long-term implications of growth. But they need to go with
a systematic investment plan; as markets reward the patient investor. -----
INFA
(Copyright India News and Feature Alliance)
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Naxalite Movement:NO SHORT CUTS TO SOLUTION, by T.D. Jagadesan, 23 July 2007 |
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Events And Issues
New Delhi, 23 July 2007
Naxalite Movement
NO SHORT CUTS TO
SOLUTION
By T.D. Jagadesan
News about Naxalites attack on a police station or a jail or
an electric substation etc appears to be making it the front pages of national
dailies routinely every month. Is the Government concerned? Where is it
heading? A careful analysis suggests that the Naxalite movement appears to have
been a triumph and a tragedy. Triumph in the sense that a movement, which
started in 1967 from a small village at the tri-junction of India, Nepal
and what is now Bangladesh,
has today spread across roughly 150
districts in 14 States of the country.
It has been a tragedy in that an ideology, which was
questioned even at the first party Congress
of Naxalites in 1970, was almost reiterated at the ninth Congress held in early 2007. The Naxalite leaders are caught in a time
warp. They are parroting the same jargon, the same convoluted arguments and the
same ideological abracadabra which they did in the 70s.
The Naxalites talk of “Indian expansion: If India were truly an expansionist power, what is
today Bangladesh would have
been a part of India.”
In fact, India’s
frontiers have been shrinking. We have lost a good chunk of territory to China and conceded PoK to Pakistan. The
Naxalites support the separatist struggles in Jammu and Kashmir and in the North-East. If India had a
leader like Mao, whom the Naxalites adore, the separatist and secessionist groups would have stream-rolled into submission.
The Naxalite campaign to annihilate class enemies has also gone completely haywire. Over 90
per cent of the people killed by the Naxalites today belong to the very classes whose cause they pretended to champion. Kanu
Sanyal, one of the architects of Naxalbari, recalling his visit to China and the advice given by Mao, said in an
interview: “Whatever you learn in China, try to forget it. Go to your
own country to understand the specific situation and carry the revolution
forward”.
The Naxalites have not learnt this simple lesson. They must understand that any movement out of
sync with the thinking and aspirations of the majority is unlikely to make much
headway beyond a certain point. They have yet to give an impression of patriotic commitment to the country. They are, according to the Home Ministry
working in close coordination with certain terrorist outfits, maintaining links
with the LTTE, and have a nexus with the ULFA. Does that not amount to treason?
In the meantime, the Naxalite movement has acquired
devastating capabilities with the party possessing about 6,500 weapons,
including AK-47 rifles and SLRs. Some recent incidents demonstrated their
capacity to overwhelm the State apparatus in a particular area: Koraput
district headquarters in Orissa was
overrun in 2001; Jehanabad prison in Bihar was attacked and its prisoners freed
in 2005; Udayagiri town of Orissa
was overrun in 2006; 55 policemen were killed in an attack in Rani Bodli
village of Chattisgarh in March 2007. No less
a person than the Prime Minister of India acknowledged Naxalism as the
greatest threat to the internal security of the country.
The Naxalites may claim that the spread of the movement
shows their ideology is well conceived and their tactic is sound. Their success is actually to be attributed to two factors. One,
the basic factors responsible for the origin and growth of the movement have
not been addressed by the powers-that-be.
Poverty continues to be endemic. The spectre of unemployment haunts a large mass of youth. Governance is riddled with corruption.
Tribals have been getting a raw deal. People aggrieved on
any of these counts often gravitate towards the Naxalities, who hold out the
promise of fighting for their cause. Two,
the Government has no strategic plan to deal with the problem. Every time there
is a major incident, Government spokesmen say that public order is a State
subject and it is for State Governments to deal with the problem.
The Naxalites would be deluding themselves if they think
that the soundness of their ideology
or tactic has carried them so far. The Indian State
can pack enormous punch once it makes up its mind. It did that in Punjab, where one of the world’s deadliest terrorist
movements was vanquished.
What is the way out? The Naxalites must realize that they can
never achieve their dream of what they call a “New Democratic Revolution”
through protracted warfare. They are just playing with the lives of the poor
and deprived sections of society. On the other hand, the Government must
understand that a movement which draws its strength from genuine grievances of
the people cannot be stamped out.
Militarily, it may be subdued as happened twice before in
the past -- once after the arrest of Charu Mazumdar and again after the eclipse
of Kondapally Seetharamaiah. But, like a phenoix, it has risen again. A
long-term solution lies in an honest attempt to address
the basic causes arising out of poverty, land alienation, unemployment,
corruption, displacement of tribals and poor governance.
True, these problems cannot be solved overnight or even in five
or 10 years. But if the State could at least give an impression that their severity is being mitigated every
year, that itself would go a long way in building confidence among the
people. Unfortunately, the impression is that the problems are getting aggravated
with every passing year. And perhaps
that is the principal reason why Naxalism continues to spread in ever-widening
circles. ---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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Data Deficiency:danger TO Environment’S sustainability, by Suraj Saraf,2 July 2007 |
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Events And Issues
New Delhi, 2 July 2007
Data Deficiency
danger
TO Environment’S sustainability
By Suraj Saraf
Not many are aware that India will lose over ten per cent of
the Gross Domestic Produce (GDP) on
account of environmental costs incurred due to land degradation, morbidity and
mortality as a result of pollution, water scarcity, inefficient use of energy
resources and loss of forest
resources.
As matters stand, the per capita availability of water in
the country has gone down. By 2047, India will not only face an acute water
scarcity but over 80 per cent of the land area will be lost in soil degradation
resulting in loss of agricultural
production.
Dependence on import dependence for energy will also see a
sharp rise. By 2047, oil imports will be four times the current imports of the
entire Asian region and over 60 per cent of our coal requirements will be met
by imports. With the country’s weather
vulnerable to climate changes and the
with the rising sea level could result in a loss
of 9 to 15 per cent in farm revenues.
These frightening prospects about impending disasters were viewed
by R.K. Pachauri, Director General, Tata Energy Resources Institute at a
seminar “sustainable development in South Asia.
Issues of infrastructure and environment”,
held recently in New Delhi.
Moreover, according to the World Health Organisation
estimates, pollution in Asian cities results in nearly eight lakh deaths and
4.6 million life-years lost every year. No wonder, India
ranks 101 among 146 countries in the Environmental Sustainability Index prepared by the Yale Centre for Environmental
Law and Policy and the Centre for International Earth Science Information
Network at Columbia
University in
collaboration with the World Economic Forum.
How does one combat this disastrous environmental scenario?
Can India
avert the looming threat with its National Environmental Policy? Opposed by
many environmentalists because of its “soft approach” on issues like biodiversity in the name of development? Against
the backdrop that our levels of air pollution, water quality and quantity and
biodiversity are also far from satisfactory.
At a workshop on “Environmental data availability and
decision making presses” organized
by the Indian Institute of Forest Management at Bhopal recently, experts asserted that any national policy to meet these adverse factors should be backed by adequate honest
data on environment management. Not information
that is grossly inadequate to
safeguard the country against environmental disasters.
Further the data should not be put on the shelf but
translated into action. “The challenge is to see the data on a proactive basis
by ensuring that those who have the expertise to collect data become active
players in the decision making process,”
underpinned a panelist. Another participant felt that the real question that
needed to be addressed was the
“redistribution of power and social change.”
As there was a strong linkage between information
availability and robustness for an
effective statistical system when it came to informing the law makers and law
enforcers. Additionally there was a need to build up an environmental statistical
system as a resultt pf which there has been a rise in litigations due to the failure
of the executive to comply with the law and the changes in the society. Another
major conflict related to land and natural resources.
Emphasizing that ecology issues
could no longer be segregated from economies, the former Director General of
the Indian Institute of Forest Management J.B.
Lal underscored the importance of integrated resources management and asserted that no system could be viewed in isolation.
A shocking example of the lack of environmental data was
highlighted by the Sambhavna, an NGO which has taken up the cause of the Bhopal
Gas tragedy. The NGO revealed that the basic data, including the details of the
gas leak from the Union Carbide Plant, 20 years ago which resulted in thousands
deaths and left many maimed were still not available.
Not only that. Rising environmental crimes was leading to
the disappearance of many indigenous tribes, dissipation
of forests and was a threat to marine life. The effects of these crimes too
were closing in very fast.
Scandalously, data on grazing and cutting of fuel wood on a
daily basis from forests, was not quantified nor reflected in our GDP.
Notwithstanding the fact that 55 to 75 per cent of the country’s energy
requirement was being supplied by forests. Sadly, the energy policy remained
oblivious to the energy removal from the forests. The experts stress the urgent perquisite of data on the fuel wood
being consumed by the people.
Indeed, India
falls disturbingly short of the desirable benchmarks relating to environmental
systems: social and institutional, human vulnerability and ecological stresses and policy initiatives in critical areas is woefully
short. The most significant, being the
shortfall in pollution control, water quality and quantity, waste management
and eco-efficiency, coupled with the neglect by various State Governments.
In the ultimate, Central and the State Governments need to
arise from their slumber and take immediate action, not act only when reprimanded
by the courts. India needs to
take a cue from the above mentioned Environmental Sustainability Index. It urgently
requires to collect data for the sound management of its environment like Finland and Norway that score high in the
Global Environmental Safety Index. Clearly, the need of the hour is to
build an environmental statistical system to avert impending environmental
disaster.
---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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